Dr. Alonso,
My name is Ross Taylor and I am a research student in the University of Limerick department of history, working on an MA project entitled ‘Lagunak! Comparisons of radical Basque and Irish nationalism’. The aim of the project is to compile a concise historical analysis of the similarities and contrasts of the radical nationalist movements in Ireland and the Basque Country, embodied by Sinn Féin/IRA and Herri Batasuna (Ezker Abertzale) and ETA. I know that this is a topic that in your position in your university you have examined quite a bit, and that you are very familiar with the politics, aims and strategies of both nationalist movements. The purpose of me writing this letter is to offer up some of my own insight, and hopefully to engage your thoughts on my own opinions of the radical movements.
Firstly I have noted a short article you wrote in Fortnight magazine, dating December 2005, entitled ‘Alec Reid and the Basques’. In this article you question Fr. Reid’s knowledge of the situation in the Basque Country and of ETA’s conflict with Spain (I note it as conflict rather than simply a terrorist campaign. My reasons for doing so shall become clear) You also criticise Fr Reid for his apparent simplicity in viewing the conflict between ETA and Spain as akin to the conflict between Britain and the IRA, and in saying that, the Good Friday Agreement is not the ideal blueprint to solving conflict. May I put my personal opinion of Fr Reid on record at this point. Fr Reid played a huge part in bringing the North of Ireland from war to peace. He is a man who has the respect of peace-loving individuals, and peace-makers worldwide. Without the clear vision and energy of men such as Fr Alec Reid, this country would surely be still in conflict, both in the communities, and with Britain.
Dr Alonso you have consistently maintained that there are few, if any, cement comparisons between Ireland and the Basque Country, in terms of nationalism, conflict and peace-making. This view has also been expressed publically by successive Spanish government interior ministers, most notably in 1998 at the signing of the Lizarra Declaration, which sought to create a dialogue of peace between all parties in the conflict, based on the Good Friday Agreement.
It is my own opinion, which I have formed over the two years I have compiled my research, that not only does there exist strong feelings of mutual solidarity and fraternity between Irish republicans and Basque radicals (I refuse to use the term separatist which was a derogatory name given by Franco) there is a massive comparison in the aims, tactics, politics and conflicts in which the IRA and ETA exist. There has been notable attempts by the British and Spanish states to eradicate these armed groups by force, drawing radicals into conflict with state forces, police, guardia civil, army etc. These attempts have included the establishment of terrorist groups, such as the UDA and GAL to target and assassinate members and supporters of radical nationalism in both countries. It has also included the fast tracking of ‘terrorist suspects’ through special courts into prison, often times with confessions obtained under duress of torture (this is not a mere allegation, detainees’ complaints of this have been upheld in courts of appeal, such as Danny Morrison successful attempt to have a prior conviction overturned). These courts have been established especially to deal with suspects of ‘terrorism’ and hardly mirror international standards, in my own opinion, for a fair trial, as they do not include juries of the defendants’ peers. Other methods of what I would perceive as ‘state oppression’ have been the banning and suppression of political parties such as Sinn Féin and Herri Batasuna.
Finally in reference to the ongoing political turmoil in Spain, I would offer a dissenting voice to the generally accepted policy of the Spanish government, and what will probably be PP policy if they achieve victory in the upcoming elections. The continuous refusal to engage with representatives of the radical movement in the Basque Country is an affront to accepted ‘norms’ of democracy. It is nearly two years since ETA took a first step in declaring a total ceasefire, and has not broken their word in that time period (as opposed to 2006) and has consistently called upon the Spanish government to enter talks with the (what we know it as in English) ‘Patriotic Left’, to which Zapatero’s government has consistently refused. The government carry the mantra that ETA must surrender its weapons before talks can take place.
The government’s position is somewhat similar to the role of a petulant child causing problems at nursery school. The child (represented by ETA) has expressed her desire to play with this petulant child, even offering one of her toys (armed campaign) as an olive branch. The petulant child is steadfast in its refusal to play and to share its toys, and instead demands the other child’s entire collection of toys (or arsenal if you will) before it even contemplates playing nice.
Now this would be discouraged in nursery school. The teachers (lets call them the EU) would discourage the petulant child from being so selfish, and would praise the other child for her maturity in offering to share.
The Spanish government and judiciary persists with their campaign against Basque nationalism, unabated. This year we saw a clear attack on democratic norms when the political party Sortu was banned, even after it met Spanish demands that all political parties denounce terrorism. Scores of nationalists have been arrested in police operations and face lengthily prison sentences, sometimes for political ‘offences’. Last week, the former spokesperson of Batasuna, and figure widely regarded as a natural leader of radicalism, who would be key to any negotiations, Arnaldo Otegi was imprisoned for ten years, on spurious charges.
Dr Alonso, I put this question to you. How do all parties achieve peace in Spain.
